Corporate Deceit

The Effort to Spotlight Corporate Hypocrisy

Jerry LeClaireJul 23

We are all familiar with the methods elected officials and political candidates use to convince swing voters that they are worthy of trust. McMorris Rodgers (R-CD5, Eastern Washington State), when there is any talk of climate change, consistently uses soothing terms like “renewable” and “alternative energy sources”. If a swing voter squints they could almost imagine that McMorris Rodgers understands the threat of climate change and will vote accordingly. Instead, she counts on constituents not paying too much attention when she casts a vote in favor of oil companies freely releasing methane, a greenhouse gas more potent than carbon dioxide, into the atmosphere. All politicians, especially those in the service of and in debt to corporate donors, hide their true colors to some degree in order to build trust. How many votes would Cathy lose if she openly declared, “Climate science is a liberal plot to damage industry”? With politicians the proof of the their beliefs is in their voting (and sometimes in obscure speeches that don’t get much coverage).

Many corporations engage in the same clever deceit, but the proof of corporate deceit lies in political donations and lobbying, not in voting patterns. Despite the Citizens’ United U.S. Supreme Court case declaring that corporations are persons with free “speech” rights, a corporation is obviously not an individual person with a single brain that has to deal with its own hypocrisy. A corporation is a conglomeration of many people, essentially a small government with people serving on a corporate board and working in the corporation’s marketing department, all paid with corporate receipts to pursue one thing: profit for shareholders. The individual persons working in the marketing and public relations department of a corporation might sincerely believe what they tell the public about corporate intent. Those same people have very little knowledge of people in another department that send out political donations and hire lobbyists. The corporate “person” in corporate personhood is like a body (Latin “corpus”) in which “the left hand doesn’t know [or might not know] what the right hand is doing.”

Without legislation (which the Republican Party staunchly opposes) to reverse Citizens’ United, how can we learn of and influence the actions of corporations? The tools exist in campaign finance law requiring disclosure of political donations. (The tools do not reveal additional vast amounts of dark money sloshing around in Republican propaganda tanks like the Washington Policy Center but these tools are nonetheless a good start.) Data on corporate donations to politicians and political action committees (PACs) is readily available online—but the format and intricacy of the shoveling of money from one coffer to another is byzantine. For starters, each state has its own reporting requirements and website (in Washington State it is the “Public Disclosure Commission”, pdc.wa.gov). On a national level there is the Federal Elections Commission, fec.gov, also with its own rules. It is all there, but digging deeply enough to extract telling information is a full time occupation. 

Fortunately, there is at least one independent reporter for whom deciphering and reporting on campaign contributions and corporate hypocrisy is a full time occupation: Judd Legum of Popular Information. His investigations of corporate donations have consequences. Major media pick up on the evidence he presents. The resulting negative public relations get corporate attention. Following the January 6 insurrection many companies announced they would not contribute to those members of Congress who supported Trump’s Big Lie by voting against certification of Electoral College votes. Popular Information has been diligent in spotlighting corporations that have backslid on that promise. A recent example is Lockheed Martin. Recently, Popular Information also published a list of 35 companies that have NOT gone back on their promise. Making oneself aware of corporations practicing and not practicing corporate hypocrisy and spreading that awareness in conversation has an effect on public perception of a corporation, an effect that can influence corporate behavior because it potentially threatens corporations’ reason for being: protecting the bottom line. 

I urge you to visit Popular Information, check out Legum’s missives, sign up for his email, and financially support his effort by buying a subscription. 

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

The Effort to Spotlight Corporate Hypocrisy

Jerry LeClaireJul 23

We are all familiar with the methods elected officials and political candidates use to convince swing voters that they are worthy of trust. McMorris Rodgers (R-CD5, Eastern Washington State), when there is any talk of climate change, consistently uses soothing terms like “renewable” and “alternative energy sources”. If a swing voter squints they could almost imagine that McMorris Rodgers understands the threat of climate change and will vote accordingly. Instead, she counts on constituents not paying too much attention when she casts a vote in favor of oil companies freely releasing methane, a greenhouse gas more potent than carbon dioxide, into the atmosphere. All politicians, especially those in the service of and in debt to corporate donors, hide their true colors to some degree in order to build trust. How many votes would Cathy lose if she openly declared, “Climate science is a liberal plot to damage industry”? With politicians the proof of the their beliefs is in their voting (and sometimes in obscure speeches that don’t get much coverage).

Many corporations engage in the same clever deceit, but the proof of corporate deceit lies in political donations and lobbying, not in voting patterns. Despite the Citizens’ United U.S. Supreme Court case declaring that corporations are persons with free “speech” rights, a corporation is obviously not an individual person with a single brain that has to deal with its own hypocrisy. A corporation is a conglomeration of many people, essentially a small government with people serving on a corporate board and working in the corporation’s marketing department, all paid with corporate receipts to pursue one thing: profit for shareholders. The individual persons working in the marketing and public relations department of a corporation might sincerely believe what they tell the public about corporate intent. Those same people have very little knowledge of people in another department that send out political donations and hire lobbyists. The corporate “person” in corporate personhood is like a body (Latin “corpus”) in which “the left hand doesn’t know [or might not know] what the right hand is doing.”

Without legislation (which the Republican Party staunchly opposes) to reverse Citizens’ United, how can we learn of and influence the actions of corporations? The tools exist in campaign finance law requiring disclosure of political donations. (The tools do not reveal additional vast amounts of dark money sloshing around in Republican propaganda tanks like the Washington Policy Center but these tools are nonetheless a good start.) Data on corporate donations to politicians and political action committees (PACs) is readily available online—but the format and intricacy of the shoveling of money from one coffer to another is byzantine. For starters, each state has its own reporting requirements and website (in Washington State it is the “Public Disclosure Commission”, pdc.wa.gov). On a national level there is the Federal Elections Commission, fec.gov, also with its own rules. It is all there, but digging deeply enough to extract telling information is a full time occupation. 

Fortunately, there is at least one independent reporter for whom deciphering and reporting on campaign contributions and corporate hypocrisy is a full time occupation: Judd Legum of Popular Information. His investigations of corporate donations have consequences. Major media pick up on the evidence he presents. The resulting negative public relations get corporate attention. Following the January 6 insurrection many companies announced they would not contribute to those members of Congress who supported Trump’s Big Lie by voting against certification of Electoral College votes. Popular Information has been diligent in spotlighting corporations that have backslid on that promise. A recent example is Lockheed Martin. Recently, Popular Information also published a list of 35 companies that have NOT gone back on their promise. Making oneself aware of corporations practicing and not practicing corporate hypocrisy and spreading that awareness in conversation has an effect on public perception of a corporation, an effect that can influence corporate behavior because it potentially threatens corporations’ reason for being: protecting the bottom line. 

I urge you to visit Popular Information, check out Legum’s missives, sign up for his email, and financially support his effort by buying a subscription. 

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

School Board Contests

How to sort the candidates

Jerry LeClaireJul 21

The following is directed primarily at the races for two seats on Board of Spokane Public Schools (District 81), but the pattern of research is applicable to any race.

In the new (this year) Spokane County Official Local Voters’ Pamphlet the profiles of candidates for various school board races in the county take up eight of twenty-three pages of candidate profiles, more than a third of the space. Profiles of candidates for two “Spokane SD 81 Director Positions” (Spokane Public Schools School Board) take up five of those eight pages and present a head-turning thirteen candidates. (Remember this primary election Voters’ Pamphlet only shows candidates for positions for which more than two candidates have filed to run.)

What is this job, anyway? A seat on the Spokane Public Schools (SD 81) Board is a volunteer position (no salary). The term of service is six years. The Board meets once a week, judging by the SPS webpage that is supposed to show the meeting minutes. That is a considerable time commitment, not something to be taken lightly. The SPS Board consists of five elected, voting members and two “Student Advisors” (click to review the current composition). The Board elects a board president (currently Jerrall Haynes)and vice president (currently Mike Wiser) from among the five elected members. Jerrall Haynes’ and Aryn Ziehnert’s six year terms on the Board are ending and neither is running for re-election. An open seat in any position is an invitation for candidates and will tend to generate more interest than running against an incumbent.

There are thirteen candidates for the SPS Board positions, eight for “Director Position 3” and five for “Director Position 4”. Who are these people, what do they offer, and what is their level of support? I recommend a visit to the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission’s website for a good start. Here’s the click pattern: all campaigns/(be sure the election year is set at 2021) SPECIAL / SPOKANE CO / SCHOOL DIRECTOR, SPOKANE SD 081. (A parallel route will get you analysis of other candidates’ fundraising, too.)

First, note that Cangelosi (who takes up a third of one of the pages in the Voters’ Pamphlet) did not even file with the PDC, something required by law for a real campaign. Five other candidates taking up space in the pamphlet report zero contributions. That leaves five candidates who have raised at least some funds from supporters, which can be taken as a measure of seriousness and community engagement. 

Of those five, two are running for Position 3, Bedford and Geffken. (Daryl Geffken is incorrectly listed as contending for Position 4 at the PDC.) He will likely advance to the general election along with Melissa Bedford (who is, without a doubt, the most qualified candidate).

Position 4 offers three candidates who have raised some campaign funds, Ametu, Smith, and Dean. Dean already has a smattering of campaign signs out on the South Hill and she’s the best funded (by a small margin) over Smith. Dean is likely to make it to the November general election ballot. So who is she and what values does she represent? 

To answer that question I recommend a visit to WeBelieveWeVote.com. Here’s the click pattern: Voter Guide / Spokane / scroll to Kata Dean and click “More” / scroll down and click “Survey Responses”. (I recommend the exercise of getting there, but here is the direct link to the questionnaire.) First, note that Ms. Dean is the only candidate for this position who even responded to this questionnaire. Then note Ms. Dean’s level of agreement with the 14 position statements, particularly those few that would seem to pertain to education, numbers 4, 7, 8, and 13. This candidate is a certified Republican culture warrior, an adherent to the creed. 

A similar click pattern will get you to Daryl Geffken’s questionnaire, candidate for the other open seat on the SPS Board, Position 3, and the only one of the Position 3 candidates responding to the questionnaire. 

Dean and Geffken not only share creeds, but they also share the samecampaign treasurer, Emily Ling, a fact one can ferret out on the PDC website. Sharing the same campaign treasurer is no sin, but it might be indicative of shared ideology and support.

This primary election for two seats on the SPS Board is nominally non-partisan, but the partisan ideological underpinnings of two of the candidates are abundantly clear. 

I recommend similar routes of inquiry as those I’ve presented here with the PDC and WeBelieve, to better understand where are candidates in this election are coming from.

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

How to sort the candidates

Jerry LeClaireJul 21

The following is directed primarily at the races for two seats on Board of Spokane Public Schools (District 81), but the pattern of research is applicable to any race.

In the new (this year) Spokane County Official Local Voters’ Pamphlet the profiles of candidates for various school board races in the county take up eight of twenty-three pages of candidate profiles, more than a third of the space. Profiles of candidates for two “Spokane SD 81 Director Positions” (Spokane Public Schools School Board) take up five of those eight pages and present a head-turning thirteen candidates. (Remember this primary election Voters’ Pamphlet only shows candidates for positions for which more than two candidates have filed to run.)

What is this job, anyway? A seat on the Spokane Public Schools (SD 81) Board is a volunteer position (no salary). The term of service is six years. The Board meets once a week, judging by the SPS webpage that is supposed to show the meeting minutes. That is a considerable time commitment, not something to be taken lightly. The SPS Board consists of five elected, voting members and two “Student Advisors” (click to review the current composition). The Board elects a board president (currently Jerrall Haynes)and vice president (currently Mike Wiser) from among the five elected members. Jerrall Haynes’ and Aryn Ziehnert’s six year terms on the Board are ending and neither is running for re-election. An open seat in any position is an invitation for candidates and will tend to generate more interest than running against an incumbent.

There are thirteen candidates for the SPS Board positions, eight for “Director Position 3” and five for “Director Position 4”. Who are these people, what do they offer, and what is their level of support? I recommend a visit to the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission’s website for a good start. Here’s the click pattern: all campaigns/(be sure the election year is set at 2021) SPECIAL / SPOKANE CO / SCHOOL DIRECTOR, SPOKANE SD 081. (A parallel route will get you analysis of other candidates’ fundraising, too.)

First, note that Cangelosi (who takes up a third of one of the pages in the Voters’ Pamphlet) did not even file with the PDC, something required by law for a real campaign. Five other candidates taking up space in the pamphlet report zero contributions. That leaves five candidates who have raised at least some funds from supporters, which can be taken as a measure of seriousness and community engagement. 

Of those five, two are running for Position 3, Bedford and Geffken. (Daryl Geffken is incorrectly listed as contending for Position 4 at the PDC.) He will likely advance to the general election along with Melissa Bedford (who is, without a doubt, the most qualified candidate).

Position 4 offers three candidates who have raised some campaign funds, Ametu, Smith, and Dean. Dean already has a smattering of campaign signs out on the South Hill and she’s the best funded (by a small margin) over Smith. Dean is likely to make it to the November general election ballot. So who is she and what values does she represent? 

To answer that question I recommend a visit to WeBelieveWeVote.com. Here’s the click pattern: Voter Guide / Spokane / scroll to Kata Dean and click “More” / scroll down and click “Survey Responses”. (I recommend the exercise of getting there, but here is the direct link to the questionnaire.) First, note that Ms. Dean is the only candidate for this position who even responded to this questionnaire. Then note Ms. Dean’s level of agreement with the 14 position statements, particularly those few that would seem to pertain to education, numbers 4, 7, 8, and 13. This candidate is a certified Republican culture warrior, an adherent to the creed. 

A similar click pattern will get you to Daryl Geffken’s questionnaire, candidate for the other open seat on the SPS Board, Position 3, and the only one of the Position 3 candidates responding to the questionnaire. 

Dean and Geffken not only share creeds, but they also share the samecampaign treasurer, Emily Ling, a fact one can ferret out on the PDC website. Sharing the same campaign treasurer is no sin, but it might be indicative of shared ideology and support.

This primary election for two seats on the SPS Board is nominally non-partisan, but the partisan ideological underpinnings of two of the candidates are abundantly clear. 

I recommend similar routes of inquiry as those I’ve presented here with the PDC and WeBelieve, to better understand where are candidates in this election are coming from.

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

Election Orientation, Part II

More Local Primary Election Detail. 

Jerry LeClaireJul 19

In case you missed it, here’s the link to last Friday’s post. It contains links to resources that might be of use in assessing the candidates. Many readers said they found Friday’s post helpful. 

Vicky Dalton (the Spokane County Auditor—the person in charge of Spokane County Elections) wants to remind everyone that ballots sent in by mail must be postmarked by Election Day (August 3) if mailed (so, if mailing, be sure to put it in the mail a day or two before just to be safe). Or, to be even more sure, deposit your ballot by Election night (Tuesday, August 3) at 8:00 pm in one of the many white ballot drop boxes. (Click here for drop box locations.)

This is the first election for the new local voter’s pamphlet, the “Spokane County Official Local Voters’ Pamphlet” your household should have gotten in the mail around the same time as your ballot. A voters’ pamphlet with every election was mandated by Washington State HB 2421, Section 6 that was signed into law on April 3, 2020. 

One reader pointed out that the Progressive Voters Guide does not cover the City of Spokane Valley. That is unfortunate. There are four seats up for election on the City of Spokane Valley City Council, with Positions 4, 5, and 7 appearing on the primary ballot. (Position 1 is mentioned below.) The hard right is making a play for Position 7 to unseat the much more moderate incumbent, Linda Thompson, backing Laura Padden, wife of Mike Padden, the incumbent hard right Republican state senator from legislative district 4 (Spokane valley north to Mt. Spokane). The contributors to Ms. Padden’s campaign are a list of right wing locals that should give anyone some pause. (Beyond Linda Thompson and Laura Padden other two candidates for position 7 have reported no contributions at all, so, although they are the justification for this race appearing on the primary ballot, they are not waging active campaigns.)

Many readers found it confusing that candidates they’ve been following did not appear on the primary ballot they received. Here’s the rule: If a seat is up for election but no more than two candidates have filed for that seat then that contest won’t appear on the primary ballot. We have a “top two” primary system in Washington that determines who will appear on the November general election ballot. If one, two, or no candidates have filed for a given seat, we already know that they will appear on the general election ballot (so why clutter the primary?). 

The example I gave was the City of Spokane City Council District 2 seat, for which only Betsy Wilkerson (incumbent) and Tyler LeMasters have filed to run and, hence, do not appear on the primary ballot. There are other examples in the county. The City of Spokane Valley City Council Position 1 seat race has only two filers, Rod Higgins, the far right incumbent and attendee at Northwest Grassroots, and the more centrist candidate, James “JJ” Johnson. It requires some clicking, but this orientation is supported by checking out the contributors to the two campaigns by visiting pdc.wa.gov. Here’s Higgings. Here’s Johnson. Higgins and Johnson will also appear only on the November general election ballot, not in the primary.

The PDC (Public Disclosure Commission) is a great resource that should be more used. One might ask what good sunshine on campaign finance is if hardly anyone looks at what is illuminated. (The PDC website is not terribly user friendly, but it is accessible with a little perseverance. See Primary Guides or Primaries!! for some tips.)

In the western part of Spokane valley signs have appeared for Chris Cargill for City of Liberty Lake City Council. Yes, that’s the Chris Cargill who is the Eastern Washington Director for Washington Policy Center (WPC), a Koch-funded, right wing “think tank”—and Cathy McMorris Rodgers’ policy and propaganda provider. There are three seats up for election in the City of Liberty Lake. Only one of those seats has two filers and, as a consequence, the Liberty Lake’s City Council seats also do not appear on the primary ballot. The Spokane County Elections website rather cryptically says, “The August 3, 2021 Primary Election is a partial county election” and one finds that the City of Liberty Lake is not listed as “participating”. The reason Liberty Lake isn’t “participating” is simply that there is no position in the city’s government for which more than two candidates have filed. 

More on election, especially the races for two two positions on the Spokane Public Schools (District 081) Board. Although my focus is on Spokane area elections, I hope what these posts provide is useful ideas for researching candidates for these sometimes rather obscure positions. Representative government works because we elect people whom we trust to represent our values and interests on boards, councils, and legislatures. Our homework is to figure out who will best represent those values and interests.

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

Primary Guides

Don’t Procrastinate!

Jerry LeClaireJul 16

In Washington State) ballot for the August 3 local primary elections should be in the mail (or already in your mailbox). If you don’t have one by Monday, investigate by going to votewa.gov. Spokane County residents will also receive the Spokane County Official Voters’ Pamphlet. 

The Official Voters’ Pamphlet can be disorienting. The pamphlet presents the reader with every primary candidate who is on the ballot for any position in Spokane County. Since this is an election for local offices representing citizens living in a variety of voting districts (none of which span the entire county), many of the candidates in the Pamphlet will not appear on your personal ballot. The candidates on your ballot are determined by the “residential address” registered with the county auditor. (Your “mailing address” may differ.) You can see how you are registered (and much more) by signing in and exploring at votewa.gov.

Some candidates you may have followed will not appear on your ballot despite your living in that voting district. For example, if you live City of Spokane District 2 (the “South Hill” and the area around the airport) you may be seeing signs for Betsy Wilkerson or Tyler LeMaster for Spokane City Council, but neither name will appear on the primary ballot. Primary elections in Washington State are “top two” primaries meant to advance the “top two” to the general election in November. If only two or one candidate files for an office those one or two candidates automatically advance to the general and bypass the primary election entirely. 

VOTER RESOURCES:

Naturally, every candidate found in the Official Voters’ Pamphlet endeavors to present themselves in the best light, so the Pamphlet offers general orientation (and a photo of variable quality) but little more. 

The Progressive Voters Guide offers useful analysis and endorsements of candidates. The Progressive Voters Guide is up to date for this election.

The Washington Public Disclosure Commission (see detailed guide to its use below) is a little awkward to use, but offers information on the relative campaign coffers of all the candidates. The relative amounts of money are only a guide, but they offer some idea who is in the running and (by drilling down to see who has contributed to whom) one can gain an idea of who knows and has confidence in the ability of a particular candidate. For example, in the two races (Positions 3 and 4) under SCHOOL DIRECTOR, SPOKANE SD 081 there is really only one candidate for Position 3 (Melissa Bedford) and four for Position 4 who have raised competitive sums. Scanning the contributors to these candidates I see names I favorably recognize in the contributor lists for Riley Smith, Rion Ametu, and Melissa Bedford. In contrast, Kata Dean and Daryl Geffken—not so much. I found this analysis much more useful than the bland reporting on the Position 4 race as covered in the Spokesman.

WeBelieveWeVote.org is also useful, but perhaps not for the reason one might think. Visit the website, but be sure drill down. Candidates are rated by “percent of alignment” based on answers to a questionnaire. Take Kata Dean, for example. She’s listed under the Spokane City button near the bottom of the page under “Spokane School District 81 Director Position 4”. Click “More”. Her “Background” information is similar to the bland listing in the “Voters Pamphlet”. “Endorsements” and “Major Contributor” tabs lead nowhere. Finally, at the bottom, there is a button, “Survey Responses” to a “Questionnaire”. Be sure to click “Questionnaire” and read. It quickly becomes apparent that the higher the “alignment” rating, the more extreme right the candidate. “Alignment” with WeBelieveWeVote.org, when fully scrutinized, is more a test of faith in far right Republicanism than of Christian faith. (Since when, for example, is fealty to “States’ Rights” a Christian value?) No wonder that the majority of candidates “Did Not Respond” to this political litmus testing. WeBelieveWeVote.org seems intended to hi-jack the votes of well-meaning Christians. 

Articles in the Spokesman or in The Inlander on these primary races have not been particularly useful to helping to determine who these candidates are or whom they are trying to represent. Endorsements are not offered by either paper.

I hope the resources and some idea of how to use them that I present here will offer my readers both in Spokane County and in Washington State some better ways to assess which candidate merits your vote. The primaries are important. If you don’t do your homework now and vote you have no grounds to complain about the candidates you see on the ballot in November.

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

MORE RESOURCES:

WA/Spokane/City/County/District Maps:

City of Spokane, City Council District Map: https://my.spokanecity.org/opendata/gis/council-districts/

Spokane County School District Maps: https://www.spokanecounty.org/DocumentCenter/View/120/SchoolDistricts-Map-PDF?bidId=
(It takes some study. Not a great overview.)

Spokane County Fire Districts: http://www.interceptradio.com/wiki/index.php/Spokane_County,_WA



WASHINGTON PUBLIC DISCLOSURE COMMISSION—How to use it.

https://www.pdc.wa.gov

Here’s a nuts and bolts guide to navigating the PDC website for the current election. (Some of the numbers presented below may now be out of date—I wrote this June 25th):

Washington State requires that campaign contributions be reported to the Public Disclosure Commission. The data presented there is valuable, but it is only of use if one takes a few minutes to learn how to navigate on the PDC website, pdc.wa.gov. To check out contributions to candidates for Spokane City Council or “SCHOOL DIRECTOR, SPOKANE SD 081” (aka Spokane Public Schools School Board) be sure to first set the election year at 2021. You can either click (or add) your voting address or click “Show all Campaigns”. Successive clicks will take you to a list of candidates for those each of those two sets of electoral contests, the Council or the Board. Here are the click sequences: (MUNICIPAL/CITY OF SPOKANE/CITY COUNCIL MEMBER, CITY OF SPOKANE) or (SPECIAL/SPOKANE CO/SCHOOL DIRECTOR, SPOKANE SD 081)

Unfortunately, these PDC listings are not sorted by the individual contests for particular seats, that is, the candidates for the three contested seats on the City of Spokane City Council are all lumped together. To sort that out for yourself visit https://my.spokanecity.org/citycouncil/members/ and find yourself on the map—or find your City Council District under “My Elected Officials” at voter.votewa.gov . Here they are in grouped by District:

District 1 (NE): Luc Jasmin $33,752.78, Naghmana Sherazi $19,739.12, Jonathan D. Bingle $24,249.60.

District 2 (S Hill): Betsy L Wilkerson $43,031.00, Tyler LeMasters $9,378.19

District 3 (NW): Lacrecia “Lu”Hill $22,984.77, Zack Zappone $23,850.70, Mike Lish $18,934.00, Christopher Savage $8,681.00, Karen M Kearney $6,314.28

Click on the name to see the details of contributions and expenditures. Explore. See who is backing whom. Google the candidate websites and check out their Facebook pages. Form an opinion. Donate.

Do the same with the School Director races (SPECIAL/SPOKANE CO/SCHOOL DIRECTOR, SPOKANE SD 081). Note that seven of the twelve filers so far report no campaign funds at all. In the Position 3 race, so far only Melissa Bedford reports receiving contributions. In contrast, Position 4 has attracted six contestants, three of whom have raised money. Riley Smith is in the fundraising lead by a small margin with $5,612.54. Click on names to find out who is offering financial support. Look up the candidates on Facebook or search for a website. Formulate an opinion as to why there are so many vying for Position 4 and so few for Position 3. How is each candidate aligned? Donate. Talk with your friends and neighbors about these races.

RCV Gains Ground

Ranked Choice Voting makes legislative and media inroads

Ballots will appear in mailboxes late this week in Washington State for the August 3 Primary election for many local offices. The two top vote getters for each office will advance to the general election in November. Primary elections (especially in mid summer) are often plagued by low voter interest. Low ballot return may result in advancing candidates to the November general election with the support of an enthusiastic minority but unacceptable to an unmotivated majority. Consider, for example, a field of five candidates from whom a given voter is allowed to cast just one vote. As an extreme example, the two top vote getters could each receive, say, only 21 percent of the vote, propelled by a devoted extremist following. How about a system that demands that the advancing candidates have wider support? 

Ranked choice voting (RCV) offers that alternative. Depending on the particulars of enabling legislation, RCV would require to have some support from a minimum of fifty percent of the participating voters. One method would winnow the candidates down to five in a conventional primary (if there were more than five contenders) and use RCV in a general election. With RCV the voter casts votes in order of preference for as many candidates as the voter finds palatable. If one candidate receives 50% or more of the votes among the first choice votes, that candidate wins. But, in a field of candidates in which no candidate garners 50 percent, second choice support is considered: the candidate with the fewest first choice votes is eliminated and the second choice votes on those ballots are distributed among the remaining candidates. That process is repeated in additional rounds until one of the candidates demonstrates some support from 50% of the voters. 

Recently the New York City mayoral and city council races were conducted using ranked choice voting and gained favorable media attention from both conservative and liberal outlets. For example:

https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/new-york-city-mayoral-race-shows-ranked-choice-voting-works

and

https://www.salon.com/2021/07/09/ranked-choice-voting-produced-the-most-diverse-city-council-in-nyc-history/

In this NYC case of RCV we are looking at a Democratic Primary result that is also the presumptive result of the November general election. (NYC highly favors Democratic candidates in the general election.)

New York City is pretty far off, so what does this NYC coverage have to do with us in Washington State? The King County Council will soon vote on placing ranked choice voting on the November ballot for the voters to consider adopting. King County government, which includes Seattle, operates under a home rule charter (unlike thirty-two of the other thirty-eight Washington counties). Under that charter King County can choose to modify its voting pattern on its own. Thirty-two of the other thirty-eight counties in Washington State are “non-charter” counties (including Spokane County). Non-charter counties operate under the State Constitution (Article XI, Section 5) and the laws passed by the legislature that make up the Revised Code of Washington, instead of “home rule.” For any of these counties or their municipal governments in the state to make a change to RCV first requires the legislature to change the Revised Code to allow it. A bill to make that change narrowly missed advancing to a vote in the Washington State legislature this last session—and may well be considered in the upcoming session.

Ranked choice voting is catching on. The State of Maine went to statewide RCV in 2020 through a multi-step process that stretched over several years. Alaska goes to statewide RCV in 2022 in response to statewide ballot measure 2 passed in 2020. A wikipedia article, Ranked Choice Voting in the United States, details the growth of RCV. The article describes the duration and complexity of efforts necessary to institute positive change in our democratic system—and it suggests, that, as with other movements (like final adoption of women’s suffrage, for example), ranked choice voting is reaching a tipping point. 

Educate yourself. Check out Fairvotewa.org. Talk over RCV with friends and acquaintances. This is one of many steps that will help the people take back democracy.

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

Cathy’s Climate Sabotage

McMorris Rodger’s methane vote–business v. climate

Jerry LeClaireJul 12

U.S. Representative Cathy McMorris Rodgers (CD5, eastern Washington) wants all moderate and independent voters to believe that she is a thoughtful protector of the environment, that she understands the threat of climate change and is working hard to ameliorate its effects in our region. Just ask her. She will pivot to her support of hydroelectric power so swiftly your head will spin. On her website she posts statements like her plan to “Expand domestic energy supplies and explore alternative energy sources.” Wildfires fueled by climate change? She is quick with statements about the need for forest cleanup, but not a peep about climate change. To be fair, McMorris Rodgers might acknowledge that the climate is warming, but, if pressed hard for an answer as to the cause, she will tell you the “science is unsettled”. 

Once upon a time I believed that the folks we send to represent us at all levels of government were privy to information I was not, that they would use that information to vote wisely on the issues before them. In short, I trusted them, once elected to office, whether Republican or Democrat, to represent my interests and the best interests of the country. 

Politicians work hard to promote trust that they are wiser than we are, deep thinkers who consider all the facts. Words are carefully chosen. “Clean energy” and “alternative energy sources” glide off their tongues so freely you could almost imagine they understood the origin of climate change and were acting accordingly. You will not hear McMorris Rodgers say that global warming is a hoax. That would be too direct. Instead, she will sidestep in the same manner as she did a direct question about geologic time, hiding her lack of scientific literacy.

There is no more glaring example of McMorris Rodgers’ (or the Republican Party’s) denial of science than a recent vote concerning methane. Yes, methane, the primary constituent of natural gas, the carbon-based gas mined by the petroleum industry and shipped around the globe in huge tankers as LNG, liquified natural gas. Right wing pundits like the late Rush Limbaugh tried hard to convince their listeners that methane only comes from the intestines of cows and other ruminants—thereby making a serious subject laughable, a useful pivot from the facts.

Methane is a major greenhouse gas. Its release into the atmosphere is responsible for about a third of the global warming we now experience. Roughly a quarter of methane release occurs in the process of petroleum and gas extraction. (Some of that methane, instead of escaping into the atmosphere, gets burned and goes into the atmosphere as carbon dioxide and water. That is the “flaring” one sees at oil refineries and in some petroleum and gas fields.) 

For decades the petroleum industry has touted natural gas (methane) as a “clean” alternative to other carbon fuels, while conveniently ignoring the methane escape into the atmosphere that occurs during petroleum fuel extraction. If methane can be sold as a fuel and it is harmful to the atmosphere, why, one might ask, why isn’t the industry diligent in capturing methane and selling it? Money and profits is the answer. Releasing methane into the atmosphere at oil well heads is cheaper than the infrastructure necessary to capture and sell it at current prices. It is also cheaper to abandon a low producing well that continues to emit methane than it is to properly cap it. Even a far right news source like Newsmax Finance acknowledges this.

Under the Obama administration the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) listened to the science and set common sense rules for the petroleum industry to require monitoring and reduction of methane emissions. Under the Trump administration’s pro-fossil fuel, anti-climate science regime, the EPA finalized a rule change in August of 2020 reversing the Obama era rules.

Up to last August McMorris Rodgers faced no vote concerning methane. The rules and the reversal were all undertaken under the power of the executive branch of government, specifically the EPA. McMorris Rodgers could go on murmuring about clean hydropower and “exploring alternative energy sources” and ducking questions about the science of global warming, always trying to leave the impression of studied concern. 

However, on June 25, 2021 a roll call vote was taken in the House of Representatives on S.J.Res. 14, which would throw out the Trump EPA rules and revert to Obama era regulation of methane:

S.J.Res.14 – A joint resolution providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to “Oil and Natural Gas Sector: Emission Standards for New, Reconstructed, and Modified Sources Review”.

McMorris Rodgers, along with 190 other Republicans, voted “Nay.” (Eight Republicans did not vote.) Every Democrat who voted (two did not vote) and 12 Republicans voted “Yea.” The bill passed the House 229 to 191. McMorris Rodgers even gave an impassioned speech on the House floor in which she argued against methane regulations as unnecessary. She totally ignored climate science, railing instead on consumer prices and energy independence. 

S.J.Res. 14 had already passed the Senate on April 28, 2021 by a vote of 52 to 46. (CRA rules in the Senate avoided the filibuster that Republicans most certainly would have raised if, under the rules, they could have. See P.S.) President Biden signed S.J.Res. 14 into law on June 30, 2021, re-instating the methane emission regulations of the Obama EPA.

McMorris Rodgers is a creature of big business in general and the fossil fuel companies in particular. Her vote on S.J.Res. 14 is a clear denial of the science of global warming. Lacking any science background, she has no basis from which to comprehend even the basic physics of greenhouse gases. She is opposed to all regulation imposed by government even if it is clearly in the best interest of the country and world. All regulation is a threat to progress (unless it benefits her or her offspring—see The ADA…). 

McMorris Rodgers is incapable of considering climate change as an issue that must be addressed. Re-electing this woman in 2022 is a threat to our children, our grandchildren, and the world we live in.

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

P.S. Bills brought to the Senate under the Congressional Review Act (CRA) cannot be filibustered. That is the rule passed passed by Congress as part of the Contract with America Advancement Act of 1996 pushed by Newt Gingrich. The CRA lay like a landmine for 16 years (with one exception) until Republicans under the Trump administration, lacking a 60 vote majority in the Senate, used it fourteen times to roll back late Obama era regulations (see the list above). The Biden administration has used it three times. 

P.P.S. We will all be pardoned if we missed the significance of McMorris Rodgers vote and missed her speech on the topic. The issue was poorly covered in the media probably because story was so complicated. A rule by the Obama EPA regarding a gas (methane) some had never heard of (even if they burn it daily in their stoves and furnaces), a Trump EPA rule overturning the Obama EPA rule, and a law under the Biden administration using the CRA that overturned the overturning. That is the sometimes arcane manner in which government works—and the reason that Representatives like McMorris Rodgers can pretend she is paying attention to science and working in our best interest.

A Bedrock Voting Basic

Spokane County Redistricting Committee Informational Meeting Tomorrow

Jerry LeClaireJul 9

City council, school board, fire district, and judgeship positions are up for election this year in November. In preparation for November we have the top-two primary election coming right up on August 4th for most voters in Washington State. Ballots will be mailed out next week. Democracy only works if we do our homework and vote. 

Our civic duty is not fully discharged by voting. Every ten years, in a process mandated in the U.S. Constitution, state constitutions, and governed by law, we adjust the voting basics by “redistricting”. When redistricting is properly and equitably done, it insures that people (that’s everybody, not just those who vote) have equal representation in national, state, and local governments. Voting district boundaries are adjusted or redrawn to account for changes in population documented by the decennial census (recently completed). 

Redistricting sets the voting boundaries we live by for the next ten years. Each state sets its own rules for the process. In many states it is simply up to the state legislature. In 2010 such states with a Republican majority legislature used computerized gerrymandering (REDMAP) to solidify Republican control. 

Since passage of a 1983 initiative, redistricting in Washington State is done by a balanced bi-partisan commission, so, at least theoretically, no single party has the upper hand regardless of what party is in the majority in the legislature. 

For residents of Spokane County this year are two similarly structured, but entirely distinct redistricting committees. One committee at the State level is responsible for redistricting of Congressional Districts and State legislative districts (see map) and another, at the County level, is responsible for establishing the five new county commissioner districts where there have been only three, a change mandated by State law. The newly mandated and formed Spokane country redistricting commission is closely modeled on the Washington State redistricting commission. 

All of which brings me to this: We owe it to ourselves to take an interest in this process. This opportunity to learn about and take part in redistricting is the bedrock of our governance. The more of us attend, learn, and provide input the more likely we will achieve an equitable outcome. It is the observers as well as the participants that make transparency in government worth having. 

Plan to attend the information session tomorrow and the public hearing on July 19—for details see the notification below from the Spokane League of Women Voters.

Keep to the high ground,

Jerry

Spokane County Redistricting

Spokane County Redistricting

Spokane County Redistricting Committee Meetings:
Public Information Session #1
Saturday, July 10, 2021
West Central Community Center, 1603 N. Belt Street, Spokane
11:00 am – 1:00 pm
Virtual connection: 1-877-853-5257 (Audio only. No Zoom available.)
Meeting ID: 899 6873 2955
Participant Code: 616859

Public Hearing #1
Monday, July 19, 2021
Spokane Veterans Memorial Arena, 720 W. Mallon Avenue, Spokane.  
5:30 to 7:30 pm 

Public Information Session #2 is scheduled for Thursday, August 5, 2021. (Details TBA.) 

For more information about Spokane County’s redistricting process, public meetings, committee meetings and more, visit www.RedistrictSpokaneCo.com

Washington State Redistricting

The State Redistricting Commission has completed its first round of testimony. The next round of public testimony meetings will be July 24, 26 and 31.  This is a once in a decade chance to weigh in on how our voting districts are drawn.   

LWVWA is hosting more listening sessions to help you understand the maps in certain areas and help build a comprehensive state solution. LWVWA will plan to submit mapping solutions for congressional and legislative districts to the commission. 
See current input to LWVWA.

Click the links below to register. You will be sent a unique link to enter each meeting. All are welcome. 

7/13  5:30-7pm – Seattle, South Seattle, S. King Co Mapping Listening Session
7/14  6:30-8pm – Spokane Area Mapping Listening Session
7/15  6:00-7:30pm – Statewide Mapping Listening Session
7/20  5:30-7pm – Bellevue, E. King Co Mapping Listening Session